/ REPORTAGE MONUMENTALE

AUSCHWITZ-BIRKENAU MEMORIAL AND MUSEUM

13 INTERNATIONAL SUMMER ACADEMY

A visual investigation born from research and participation in the 13th International Summer Academy at the Auschwitz-Birkenau Museum.

A rigorous photo-documentary journey that translates a week of topographical analysis, archives, and layered memory into a pure ethical testimony of the present.

th

This academic project documents my research and participation in the 13ᵗʰ International Summer Academy at the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, aimed at analyzing the complex topography of the Shoah. Through a rigorous historiographical approach, I sought to investigate the stratigraphy of memory and the landscapes of absence between Kraków and the concentration camp sites.

This essay is integrated herein by a selection of my original photographs, conceived not as a mere aesthetic accompaniment, but as an instrument of scientific inquiry and ethical responsibility. Rejecting any spectacularization of pain, my visual practice exercises an ethos of subtraction and visual silence: the lens registers the naked truth of matter and the persistence of archival evidence. The photographic fragment is thus configured as an extension of historical hermeneutics, transforming optics into a precise civic duty against oblivion.

For more info:

Auschwitz-Birkenau Education: https://www.auschwitz.org/en/education/

Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factoryhttps://muzeumkrakowa.pl/en/branches/oskar-schindlers-enamel-factor

KL Plaszow: https://plaszow.org

Oszpicin Muzeum Żydowskie: https://oshpitzin.pl/

The Philosophy of Light in the Spaces of Absence

In the contemporary landscape, marked by concerning shifts toward radicalization, culture stands not as a mere mnemonic exercise, but as a civil shield against hatred, Holocaust denial, and the ideological frameworks of terror.

Participating in the thirteenth edition of the International Summer Academy, held between July 13 and 19, 2026, at the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum and the International Center for Education about Auschwitz and the Holocaust (ICEAH), represented not only an academic advancement, but a profound reconfiguration of my ethical and visual standing as a photojournalist.

The primary objective of this masterful gathering lies in the meticulous deconstruction of the mechanisms of discrimination and the shaping of an institutional culture rooted in anti-hate and anti-terrorism. Through an impeccable synergy between scientific rigor and logistical hospitality (masterfully coordinated by Katarzyna Kotula-Domagała), the ICEAH demonstrated how historical memory must not be a mere repository of artifacts, but a civil, dynamic, and daily instrument to educate younger generations and re-educate past ones.

This essay aims to analyze the educational and historiographical stratigraphy of the course. The analysis blends the precision of documentary data with the intimate and controlled perception of the photographic medium outlined in the preface. For a photographer, confronting the topography of the Shoah means grappling with the 'representation of the irreparable,' transforming light and framing into tools for both scientific investigation and ethical testimony.

Kraków’s Urban Stratigraphy: From the Pluralism of Kazimierz to the Exclusion of Podgórze (July 13–14)

The academic seminar commenced on July 13, 2026, in Kraków. The initial session was dedicated to the methodological introduction of the workshop and the presentation of the ICEAH guidelines. The focus immediately shifted to the geographic-spatial dimension through a guided tour of the former Jewish quarter of Kazimierz. Historically, for centuries, Kazimierz represented the beating heart of the religious, cultural, and social life of the Polish Jewish community.

The history of the Jews of Kraków stands as one of the most significant narratives within European Jewry. For over seven centuries, the city was one of the foremost religious, cultural, and intellectual centers of Ashkenazi Judaism, until its near-total destruction during the Shoah.

Today, Kraków preserves one of the best-maintained Jewish heritages in Europe and constitutes one of the primary sites of Holocaust memory.

The Jewish presence in Kraków is documented as early as the 13th century. The first settlements arose near the current historical center, favored by the statutes issued in 1264 by Prince Bolesław V the Chaste, which guaranteed legal protection, religious freedom, and commercial autonomy to the Jews. These privileges were confirmed in the 14th century by King Casimir III the Great (Kazimierz Wielki), the monarch who transformed Kraków into one of the principal cities of the Kingdom of Poland.

In 1335, Casimir founded a new autonomous city on the southern bank of the Vistula River: Kazimierz, initially intended to strengthen the defensive system of the capital. Only a few decades later, Jews began to settle there in increasing numbers.

A decisive turning point occurred in 1495, when King John I Albert (Jan Olbracht) ordered the relocation of most Jews from the center of Kraków to Kazimierz, likely following a severe fire and amid a climate of growing religious tensions.

This gave rise to the Oppidum Judaeorum, the "Jewish city", surrounded by walls and endowed with a remarkable degree of administrative autonomy. Indeed, the Jews managed much of the internal life of the community through their own council, answering directly to the Polish Crown.

Between the 16th and 17th centuries, Kazimierz reached its golden age.

The city became one of the most important European centers for:

  • Talmudic studies;

  • Jewish philosophy;

  • Religious publishing;

  • International trade;

  • Medicine;

  • Rabbinic law.

During this period, some of the greatest rabbis of European Judaism active here. Notable among them were:

  • Moshe Isserles (Rabbi Remuh, 1530–1572), author of the celebrated glosses to the Shulchan Aruch, which remain fundamental to Ashkenazi Judaism to this day;

  • Joel Sirkis (1561–1640), known as the Bach, among the foremost jurists and commentators of the Halakhah.

The extraordinary concentration of synagogues bears witness to the religious importance of the quarter. The principal ones include:

  • The Old Synagogue (Stara Synagoga): The oldest surviving synagogue in Poland (15th century) and one of the oldest synagogue buildings in Europe. Today, it houses a museum dedicated to the religious and cultural life of Kraków's Jews.

  • The Remuh Synagogue: Built in 1553 for Rabbi Moshe Isserles. Adjacent to it lies the famous Remuh Cemetery, one of Europe's most significant historical Jewish cemeteries, where Isserles himself is buried.

  • The High Synagogue (Wysoka): Erected in the 16th century, it takes its name from the prayer hall located on the upper floor.

  • The Isaac Synagogue: Built in the 17th century thanks to the wealthy merchant Isaac Jakubowicz, it represents one of the finest examples of Jewish architecture in Kraków.

  • The Kupa Synagogue: Founded in 1643, it was primarily intended for the less affluent members of the community.

  • The Popper Synagogue: Built in the 17th century by the merchant Wolf Popper.

  • The Tempel Synagogue: Constructed in the 19th century, it served as the main place of worship for Kraków’s Reform Judaism. Today, it is still used for concerts, cultural gatherings, and religious celebrations.

The spiritual heart of Kazimierz is ulica Szeroka, a wide medieval square that for centuries constituted the center of local Jewish life. Concentrated here were:

  • The market;

  • The primary synagogues;

  • Rabbinical schools;

  • Houses of study;

  • Workshops;

  • The residences of the rabbis.

No other European city possessed such a dense concentration of synagogues along a single street.

In 1800, Kazimierz ceased to be an autonomous city and was incorporated into Kraków. With the civil emancipation granted to Jews in the second half of the 19th century, many families relocated toward the city center, while still maintaining Kazimierz as their primary religious and cultural anchor. The community participated actively in the economic and architectural development of the city.

In 1939, approximately 64,000 Jews lived in Kraków, accounting for about one-quarter of the city's population. The community maintained its own:

  • Schools;

  • Hospitals;

  • Newspapers;

  • Theaters;

  • Sports associations;

  • Political parties;

  • Libraries;

  • Welfare institutions.

Kazimierz was one of the most vibrant Jewish neighborhoods in all of Eastern Europe.

On September 6, 1939, the Wehrmacht occupied Kraków. The persecution of the Jewish population began immediately, through:

  • Confiscation of property;

  • Forced labor;

  • Expulsions;

  • Restrictions on personal freedom.

The Nazis intended to transform Kraków into the capital of the General Government, almost completely eliminating the Jewish presence.

It is crucial to distinguish between two realities that are often confused:

  • Kazimierz was the historical Jewish quarter.

  • The Nazi ghetto was not built in Kazimierz, but rather in the district of Podgórze, on the opposite bank of the Vistula.

On March 3, 1941, the Germans established the ghetto, initially confining about 15,000 people within it. The walls were designed in a shape that intentionally evoked the gravestones of Jewish cemeteries.

Among the symbolic sites of the ghetto are:

  • Plac Bohaterów Getta (Ghetto Heroes Square);

  • The Eagle Pharmacy (Apteka Pod Orłem), managed by the pharmacist Tadeusz Pankiewicz—the only non-Jew authorized to remain inside the ghetto—who aided hundreds of people;

  • The remnants of the original walls.

Between 1942 and 1943, deportations to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp began. Thousands of individuals were murdered directly inside the ghetto or sent to the Płaszów camp—commanded by Amon Göth—prior to final deportation.

On March 13–14, 1943, the ghetto was definitively liquidated. Those deemed fit for work were sent to Płaszów. The elderly, children, and the sick were either murdered on the spot or deported to Auschwitz.

A central figure in the history of occupied Kraków is Oskar Schindler, owner of the Deutsche Emailwarenfabrik (DEF). Through his actions, he succeeded in saving over 1,100 Jews by employing them as essential workers in his factory. This account was made famous by Thomas Keneally’s novel Schindler's Ark and, most notably, by the film Schindler's List, directed by Steven Spielberg.

At the war's conclusion, very few Jews returned to Kraków. Many emigrated to Israel, the United States, or Western Europe, driven also by postwar antisemitism and pressures exerted by the communist regime.

For decades, Kazimierz remained a neglected neighborhood. Beginning in the 1990s, a significant rediscovery of Jewish heritage took place. Each year, the city hosts the Jewish Culture Festival, one of the most prominent festivals dedicated to Jewish culture in Europe.

Extensive restorations were carried out on:

  • The synagogues;

  • The Remuh Cemetery;

  • Numerous historical buildings;

  • Museums and cultural centers.

Today, the quarter stands as a symbol of memory and intercultural dialogue. The contemporary Jewish community is numerically much smaller compared to the pre-Shoah period, yet it is active once again.

Present today are:

  • Orthodox religious communities;

  • Functioning synagogues (including the Remuh and the Tempel during religious and cultural events);

  • Schools and educational centers;

  • The Galicia Jewish Museum;

  • The Jewish Culture Festival;

  • Initiatives dedicated to research, dialogue, and the recovery of memory.

In recent decades, numerous descendants of Polish Jewish families have also rediscovered their roots, contributing to a gradual renaissance of Jewish life in Poland.

Through the photographic lens, the surviving synagogues and the ancient urban fabric reveal the traces of an interrupted vitality. Photography here does not seek the picturesque; rather, it documents architectural persistence as material evidence of a civilization that National Socialism attempted to totally eradicate.

  • The Subcamp Structure: When the ghetto was liquidated in 1943, Schindler obtained permission to transform DEF into a subcamp dependent on Płaszów. This prevented his Jewish workers from being interned in the main camp under the sadistic control of Amon Göth. Inside the factory, food rations were higher, beatings by the SS were forbidden, and hygienic conditions were rigorously maintained to prevent epidemics.

  • The List and the Logistics of Salvation: In the autumn of 1944, as the Red Army approached, the Nazis ordered the closure of Kraków's factories and the evacuation of prisoners to extermination camps to the west. It was during this critical juncture that the famous "Schindler's List" took shape, compiled with the essential collaboration of the Jewish accountant Itzhak Stern. Through the systematic bribery of SS officers with diamonds, alcohol, and money, Schindler managed to have his business declared a "strategic war industry" and transferred approximately 1,200 Jewish workers (men, women, and children) to the new plant in Brünnlitz, Moravia, thereby saving them from certain death.

The Ethics of Schindler's Choice, Landscape Archaeology, and the "Photo(topo)graphy" of KL Plaszow (July 14)

On July 14, the geometric and existential transition was completed with the relocation toward the district of Podgórze. Here, in March 1941, the German occupying authorities formally established the Kraków Ghetto. The walking route toward Oskar Schindler’s former enamel factory allowed for an analysis of the logic of spatial segregation. The guided tour inside Schindler's Enamel Factory (Fabryka Emalia Oskara Schindlera) provided a solid documentary foundation regarding the daily life of Kraków's citizens under Nazi occupation from 1939 to 1945.

The figure of Oskar Schindler (1908–1974) occupies a unique place in twentieth-century history. A German industrialist, member of the National Socialist Party, and initial collaborator within the economic system of the Third Reich, he progressively became one of the most important rescuers of persecuted Jews during the Shoah.

His story constitutes one of the most emblematic cases of individual moral transformation within a totalitarian regime.

Although known to the general public primarily through Steven Spielberg’s film Schindler's List (1993), his story possesses a far more complex historical depth, documented by archives, survivor testimonies, and studies on the period of the Nazi occupation of Poland.

Oskar Schindler was born on April 28, 1908, in Zwittau, present-day Svitavy, in the Czech Republic, which was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He was the son of Hans Schindler, owner of an agricultural machinery company, and Louisa Schindler. In 1928, he married Emilie Pelzl, who during the war actively cooperated in rescuing Jews and who, in 1993, was recognized alongside her husband as Righteous Among the Nations by Yad Vashem.

In the 1930s, Schindler initially joined the Sudeten German Party (SdP) and subsequently entered the Abwehr, the German military intelligence service. Following the annexation of the Sudetenland by the Third Reich, he also joined the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP).

On September 6, 1939, just a few days after the invasion of Poland, German troops occupied Kraków. Schindler immediately moved to the city with an essentially economic objective: to exploit the opportunities offered by the war economy and the appropriation of businesses confiscated from Jews.

In 1939, Schindler took over an enameled headwear and kitchenware factory that had belonged to Jewish entrepreneurs. The company was named the Deutsche Emailwarenfabrik (DEF) and was located at Ulica Lipowa 4, in the industrial district of Zabłocie, Kraków.

Initially, it produced:

  • Pots;

  • Enameled tableware;

  • Household utensils.

From 1941, following the war requirements of the Reich, production was converted into materials destined for the German army, including ammunition and military components.

Among the fundamental figures stands Itzhak Stern, the Jewish accountant and advisor who contributed to the management of the factory. According to numerous testimonies, Stern played a decisive role in convincing Schindler to hire Jewish workers and in compiling the lists of workers indispensable to production.

At first, Schindler hired Jewish workers because they cost less than Polish labor. However, direct observation of the violence perpetrated against the Jews of Kraków (particularly during the liquidation of the ghetto and the deportations to the Płaszów camp) triggered a profound transformation in his attitude. From an opportunistic entrepreneur, he progressively became a man willing to risk his own fortune, status, and life to save his workers.

The Jews saved by Schindler are remembered as the Schindlerjuden ("Schindler's Jews"). The number generally accepted by historians is approximately 1,100 to 1,200 people.

To protect them, Schindler:

  • Bribed SS officials;

  • Falsified production data;

  • Declared elderly workers, children, and professionals as indispensable;

  • Procured food and medicine;

  • Prevented ongoing deportations.

A large portion of his personal wealth was used for bribes and purchases intended for the survival of the workers.

In 1944, as the Red Army approached, the Nazi command ordered the closure of factories in occupied Poland. Schindler obtained permission to transfer his production to Brněnec (Brünnlitz), in the present-day Czech Republic.

To do so, he compiled a list containing the names of the workers to be transferred. That list has gone down in history as Schindler's List. Thanks to it, over a thousand people avoided deportation to extermination camps.

In May 1945, Schindler fled toward the American lines. The Jewish workers presented him with a letter destined for the Allies, certifying that he had saved their lives. That document spared him from arrest as a war criminal.

Contrary to the image of a wealthy man, Schindler spent the postwar period in very difficult financial conditions. He unsuccessfully attempted several business ventures:

  • In Germany;

  • In Argentina;

  • Again in West Germany.

Many survivors helped him financially during the final years of his life.

In 1963, Yad Vashem recognized Oskar Schindler as Righteous Among the Nations, one of the highest civil honors bestowed upon non-Jews who risked their lives to save Jews during the Shoah. Emilie Schindler received the same recognition in 1993.

Oskar Schindler died on October 9, 1974, at the age of sixty-six, in Hildesheim, West Germany. By his express wish, he was buried in Jerusalem, in the Franciscan Catholic Cemetery on Mount Zion. He is the only former member of the Nazi Party buried on Mount Zion. Even today, his tomb is covered with small stones, according to the ancient Jewish tradition symbolizing the perpetual remembrance of the deceased.

His figure became universally known thanks to the novel Schindler's Ark (1982) by author Thomas Keneally, from which the 1993 film Schindler's List directed by Steven Spielberg was adapted, winning seven Academy Awards. The work helped familiarize millions of people with the history of the persecution of Kraków's Jews and the value of individual choices during the Shoah.

The former facility at Lipowa 4 is now one of the main branches of the Museum of Kraków. The administrative building houses the permanent exhibition "Kraków Under Nazi Occupation 1939–1945", which is not a simple museum dedicated to the figure of Schindler, but an immersive journey through the daily life of the city during the German occupation. Through photographs, original documents, scenographic reconstructions, artifacts, audiovisual testimonies, and Schindler’s original office, the museum narrates the transformation of Kraków, the persecution of the Jewish community, the Podgórze ghetto, the Płaszów camp, and the role played by the factory as a place of salvation for over a thousand people.

The subsequent session, titled "Photo(topo)graphy of KL Plaszow – guided tour and on-site workshop", represented a pivotal moment for the visual investigation.

Today, the area appears predominantly as an open green space, devoid of its original macrostructures, which were almost entirely destroyed by the retreating Germans to conceal their crimes. The field workshop compelled a profound reflection on the ethics and methodology of documentary photography.

The historiographical and photo-documentary analysis of KL Plaszow (Konzentrationslager Plaszow) represents one of the most complex nexuses of Kraków's monumental memory. Unlike Auschwitz-Birkenau, where the stone and concrete of the barracks and crematoria have been partially preserved, Plaszow presents itself to today’s visitor and photographer as an immense "green void"—a natural landscape that has reabsorbed the traces of an industrial past defined by extermination.

Retracing its history requires decoding this void through the data, dates, and logistics of Nazi terror.

The camp was established in October 1942 in the southern district of Podgórze, originally as a forced labor camp (Zwangsarbeitslager Plaszow des SS- und Polizeiführers im Distrikt Krakau). Built on the grounds of two Jewish cemeteries, it was transformed in January 1944 into a concentration camp under the formal administration of the SS, led by the notorious brutality of Commandant Amon Göth. The choice of the site met precise logistical and industrial requirements: proximity to the Kraków-Prokocim railway line, alongside the presence of extensive limestone quarries (the Liban quarry) and brick factories.

To construct the camp, the Nazi authorities committed an act of deliberate cultural and religious desecration. Indeed, the selected area encompassed two Jewish cemeteries (that of the Kraków community on Podgórna Street and that of Podgórze on Jerozolimska Street). The Jewish gravestones (matzevot) were uprooted and utilized as building material to pave the camp's internal roads, barrack foundations, and assembly squares. Bodies were exhumed and scattered, erasing the sanctity of the site to erect barracks intended for the living.

In February 1943, SS-Untersturmführer (later Hauptsturmführer) Amon Göth assumed command of the camp. His figure embodies the fusion of the Third Reich's ruthless bureaucratic efficiency with individual pathological sadism.

  • Daily Terror: From the veranda of his villa (the infamous "Grey House" or Czerwony Dom, located on Heltmana Street), Göth routinely shot at prisoners working in the quarries with a sniper rifle if he deemed them too slow or inefficient. Terror was not a collateral consequence of the system, but a scientifically applied management tool designed to obliterate any form of psychological resistance.

  • Hujowa Górka and Prądnik: Two primary mass execution sites were identified within the camp area. The most notorious is Hujowa Górka (named after the SS officer Albert Hujar who directed its first executions), a large natural depression where thousands of people were shot. These victims included not only camp prisoners but also Jews captured in the Kraków region and Polish political prisoners from the Montelupich prison.

The camp underwent its first massive expansion between March 13 and 14, 1943, coinciding with the violent liquidation of the Kraków Ghetto. Approximately 10,000 Jews who survived the initial selections were forcibly transferred to Plaszow, transforming the camp into a satellite facility for the exploitation of ultra-low-cost labor.

The Conversion into a Konzentrationslager (1944) and Industrial Extermination

On January 11, 1944, the camp was officially integrated into the Third Reich's concentration camp network, assuming the designation of KL Plaszow. This change in status led to a further worsening of living conditions. The camp expanded to cover approximately 80 hectares, eventually holding over 25,000 prisoners simultaneously (primarily Polish Jews, but also a significant proportion of non-Jewish Poles, Roma, and Soviet prisoners of war) across more than 180 barracks.

Life in Plaszow was dictated by exhausting forced labor in the stone quarries, tailoring workshops, shoe factories, and printing houses, under deliberately degraded hygienic and sanitary conditions that fueled typhus and malnutrition. Although it was not structured as an immediate extermination center equipped with gas chambers (like Birkenau or Bełżec), Plaszow functioned as a camp of extermination through attrition and mass shootings. Those who were no longer deemed fit for work were regularly selected and deported to the gas chambers of Auschwitz.

Confronting a "landscape of absence" means understanding that the grass, the uneven terrain, and the current brushwood are, in reality, the surface of a monumental mass grave and the remnants of a systematic devastation. By utilizing archival photographs taken during the camp's operation and comparing them with the current state of the sites, the photographer's gaze recorded the micro-traces: the fragments of the barracks' foundations, the geomorphological wounds of the terrain caused by the limestone quarries, the monumental solemnity of the Grey House at Jerozolimska Street 3, and the commemorative monuments, including the imposing Memorial to the Victims of Fascism. Here, photography rejects emotional rhetoric and becomes an act of scientific and topographical registration, demonstrating how the visual void is, in fact, saturated with history and traumatic memory.

Dismantling and Death Marches (Summer 1944 – January 1945)

With the advance of the Red Army in the summer of 1944, the SS initiated the liquidation of the camp to conceal evidence of the crimes committed (an operation designated as Aktion 1005).

  • The Cremation of Bodies: Between August and October 1944, Göth and his subordinates ordered the exhumation of corpses from the mass graves at Hujowa Górka and other execution sites. Approximately 10,000 bodies were burned on open-air pyres for days, blanketing the city of Kraków in a persistent shroud of smoke and greasy ash.

  • The Evacuations: Thousands of prisoners were evacuated on foot or in cattle cars toward the west, bound for KL Auschwitz, Gross-Rosen, Mauthausen, and Stutthof. It was during this dramatic final phase that Oskar Schindler’s effort to save his workers by transferring them to Brünnlitz took place.

  • The Closure: On January 14, 1945, the last remaining prisoners (around 600 people) were marched on foot toward Auschwitz in a harrowing "death march." The following day, January 15, Soviet troops entered a now-deserted camp, which had been largely demolished and burned by the retreating SS.

For my visual research on the website, KL Plaszow represents the most radical conceptual challenge. Photographing this site means grappling with "nature as a witness". Today, the area is a public park, where vegetation grows lushly over mass graves and barrack foundations.

The photographic lens must not seek the rhetoric of past drama, but rather record the tension and jarring contrast between the visual peace of the present and the layered horror beneath the soil. Photographing the contours of the Liban Quarry, the few remnants of the Jewish cemetery wall, or the imposing monument erected in 1964 by architect Witold Cęckiewicz (with that deep gash in the chest of the stone figures symbolizing the torn-out hearts of the victims) means engaging in an "archaeology of the gaze." It means compelling the visitors of my website to understand that beneath that seemingly innocent grass rests the trampled memory of an entire civilization.

Photo-Documentary Reflection: Photographing the Void and Layered Memory

The visit to Oskar Schindler’s former enamel factory (Oskar Schindler's Enamel Factory) allowed for an analysis of the logic of spatial segregation. The guided tour inside Schindler's Factory provided a solid documentary foundation regarding the daily life of Kraków's citizens under Nazi occupation from 1939 to 1945.

In this context, the camera focused on the visual barriers, portraying the surviving segments of the ghetto walls (cynically built in the shape of Jewish gravestones, or matzevot) and the industrial spaces where the logic of economic exploitation intersected (thanks to Schindler) with a partial and extraordinary rescue operation.

For my documentary approach, Podgórze and Schindler's factory represent two opposite visual challenges. In the ghetto, photography confronts the void and urban substitution: the original walls have almost entirely disappeared (only brief fragments remain on Lwowska Street and Limanowskiego Street), and the space of trauma has been reabsorbed into daily residential life. The lens must therefore trace the contrasts, the persistence of those coercive geometries within the shadows of today's buildings.

In the factory on Lipowa Street, today transformed into a permanent museum of the highest scientific rigor, the challenge is to avoid theatricalization. Photography must become analytical, focusing on archival details: the old machinery, the typewritten registration sheets, the industrial corridors.

It is within these details that the "gray zone" theorized by Primo Levi materializes: the space where the determination of a single man, moving between totalitarian corruption and economic opportunism, redefined the boundary between life and nothingness.

The Panoptic Structure of Auschwitz I: Archives, Documents, and Spatial Discipline (July 15)

July 15, 2026, marked the definitive relocation to Oświęcim and the entry into the core nucleus of the concentration camp system. The day commenced at the ICEAH with a lecture titled "Auschwitz in the System of Nazi Concentration Camps", aimed at framing the camp not as an isolated anomaly, but as the logistical and bureaucratic culmination of the Third Reich’s concentration camp universe.

Subsequently, a guided study tour of the former Auschwitz I camp took place.

The Auschwitz concentration camp complex, located near the Polish town of Oświęcim, stands as the universal symbol of the Shoah and the largest extermination center constructed by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Its history is not merely that of a single camp, but of a vast network structured for the systematic dispossession, exploitation, and annihilation of human beings on an industrial scale.

The historiographical analysis of KL Auschwitz (Konzentrationslager Auschwitz) demands moving beyond the concept of the camp as a single spatial entity.

Auschwitz was an immense and sprawling industrial and repressive complex, a geopolitical center of gravity for the Third Reich established in the Polish town of Oświęcim (annexed to the German province of Upper Silesia). The camp operated as a combined hub: a police internment center, a reservoir of slave labor for chemical giants, and, ultimately, the most lethal center of mass extermination in human history.

The Structure of the Complex

The Auschwitz concentration and extermination camp complex (in German, Konzentrationslager Auschwitz) represents the topographical and organizational pinnacle of the Shoah, the point where modern European industrial rationality bent toward the execution of genocide. Confronting the history of this site demands historiographical rigor and absolute adherence to documentary sources. This lecture reconstructs the anatomy of Auschwitz through established facts, figures, and direct testimonies.

Auschwitz was not a single camp, but a vast concentration camp archipelago located near the Polish town of Oświęcim (renamed Auschwitz by the Third Reich), which was annexed by Germany in 1939. Its position was strategic: a crucial railway hub at the center of Nazi-occupied Europe.

The complex was organized into three main focal centers, flanked by approximately 40 subcamps (Nebenlager):

  • Auschwitz I (Stammlager): The original main camp, opened in 1940 within the barracks of a former Polish army base. Serving as the administrative center of the entire complex, it was the site of the earliest experimentation with Zyklon B gas (Block 11) and the headquarters for medical experiments.

  • Auschwitz II (Birkenau): Located roughly three kilometers from the main camp, it became operational in October 1941. This was the actual extermination camp (Vernichtungslager). It was here that the four large complexes of gas chambers and crematoria (Krema II, III, IV, and V) were constructed. The railway platform (the Judenrampe) where selections took place served as the terminus for hundreds of thousands of European Jews.

  • Auschwitz III (Monowitz or Buna-Werke): Established in October 1942 in collaboration with the German chemical giant IG Farben. It was a slave labor camp dedicated to the production of synthetic rubber (Buna) and fuel. It was here that the Italian writer Primo Levi was interned.

Auschwitz I (Stammlager): Genesis and Political Repression (1940)

The original core, Auschwitz I, was established on May 20, 1940, by repurposing around twenty brick barracks that formerly belonged to the Polish army.

Under the command of its first commandant, SS-Obersturmbannführer Rudolf Höss, the camp was created not for Jews, but as an instrument of terror directed against the Polish population: political prisoners, intellectuals, resistance members, and the clergy, aimed at decapitating the leadership class of the occupied country. The first transport of prisoners arrived on June 14, 1940, from the Tarnów prison.

I. Genesis and Development of the Concentration Camp Complex

The history of Auschwitz traces an inexorable descent toward systematic extermination, an evolution that reflects the progressive hardening of Third Reich policies. It all began in the spring of 1940, when Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler ordered the construction of a concentration camp on the outskirts of the Polish town of Oświęcim, which had been annexed to Germany and renamed Auschwitz. On June 14, 1940, the first 728 Polish political prisoners passed through the gates, later surmounted by the cynical sign Arbeit macht frei. In this initial phase, the Stammlager (Auschwitz I) was conceived essentially as a hub of local terror and repression.

The metamorphosis toward chemical annihilation took place in September 1941. It was then, in the grim basements of Block 11, that Deputy Commandant Karl Fritzsch first tested the lethal effectiveness of the crystalline pesticide Zyklon B (based on hydrocyanic acid) on approximately 600 Soviet prisoners of war and 250 sick Polish inmates. That macabre technical success paved the way for the paradigm shift ratified in January 1942 at the Wannsee Conference: the bureaucratic planning of the "Final Solution."

To cope with the immense proportions of the genocidal project, the construction of Auschwitz II-Birkenau had already begun in October 1941. This vast sector, located three kilometers from the main camp, was destined to become the European fulcrum for the physical elimination of the Jewish people. To these sites was added, in 1942, Auschwitz III-Monowitz, an immense slave labor camp erected in symbiosis with the chemical giant IG Farben for the production of synthetic rubber (Buna), sealing the definitive alliance between capitalist exploitation and the doctrine of extermination.

The death machine reached its acme between May and July 1944, during the so-called Aktion Höss. In just eight weeks, over 430,000 Hungarian Jews arrived aboard cargo convoys at the Judenrampe in Birkenau; the pace of the gas chambers was so intense that it exceeded the incineration capacity of the colossal crematoria ovens designed by the firm Topf & Söhne, forcing the SS to burn the corpses in open-air burning pits.

A desperate tremor of resistance arose on October 7 of the same year, when the prisoners of the Sonderkommando—forced to manage the horror of the crematoria—rebelled, succeeding in blowing up Crematorium IV before being brutally and bloodily suppressed.

II. The Engineering of Genocide: Perpetrators and Victims

The functioning of such a complex apparatus of destruction required the mobilization of thousands of SS cadres and soldiers, transforming ordinary men into cogs of hell. Towering above all is the figure of Rudolf Höss, the original commandant and logistical architect of Auschwitz, who supervised the camp's transition into an industrial genocide center.

Alongside him operated a chilling medical cohort, who exploited the bodies of prisoners as disposable biological material. Prominent among them were Carl Clauberg and Horst Schumann, who engaged in ruthless mass sterilization experiments, and above all Josef Mengele, the "Angel of Death," whose morbid, pseudoscientific obsession with twins and physical anomalies translated into unprecedented tortures masked as medical research.

Faced with this abyss of inhumanity, the victims were plunged into a daily struggle to preserve even a single fragment of their own dignity. Many illustrious figures shared the fate of the anonymous multitude. The Torinese chemist Primo Levi passed through Monowitz, and his masterpiece If This Is a Man (1947) would provide posterity with the most lucid moral autopsy of the Lager.

In the smoke of Birkenau, the youth of Nobel Laureate Elie Wiesel dissolved, and the testimony of Liliana Segre, then thirteen years old, was forged. In the camp, figures of the highest spiritual stature found their deaths, such as Edith Stein (Teresa Benedicta of the Cross), a philosopher of Jewish origin who converted to Catholicism, murdered in the gas chambers in 1942, and the Polish Franciscan Massimiliano Kolbe, who in 1941 voluntarily chose to take the place of a family man condemned to starve to death in the infamous bunker of Block 11.

III. The Demography of the Abyss

The arithmetic of extermination (patiently reconstructed by historians despite the systematic Nazi attempts to destroy the archives) reaches staggering proportions. According to internationally consolidated research (particularly by scholar Franciszek Piper), approximately 1.3 million human beings were deported to the Auschwitz complex between 1940 and 1945; of these, at least 1.1 million were murdered there.

The core of this demographic vortex was European Jewry: 1.095 million Jews were deported, and for 960,000 of them, the verdict was final, with the vast majority eliminated in the gas chambers immediately following the brutal "selections" on the railway platform.

The annihilation also systematically targeted other groups within European society. Between 140,000 and 150,000 non-Jewish Poles, predominantly intellectuals and political prisoners, crossed the threshold of the Lager; for approximately 75,000 of them, there was no return.

The ideological ruthlessness of the Third Reich relentlessly turned against the Roma and Sinti people: of the 23,000 confined within the Zigeunerlager in Birkenau, 21,000 died, reaching a pinnacle of horror on the night of August 2, 1944, when the entire sector was liquidated and its occupants gassed en masse. To these figures were added approximately 15,000 Soviet prisoners of war, whose mortality rate neared one hundred percent due to executions, starvation, and chemical experimentation.

Completing this tragic tally were another 25,000 individuals of various nationalities and categories, including political dissidents, Jehovah's Witnesses, and homosexuals; among them, it is estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 lost their lives.

IV. Liberation and the Legacy of Memory

The curtain fell on this immense death factory in the deep winter of 1945. Sensing the advance of Soviet troops, the SS initiated the evacuation of the camp: in mid-January, approximately sixty thousand exhausted prisoners were assembled into forced marches toward the west (the infamous "Death Marches") during which tens of thousands of people collapsed in the snow or were summarily executed.

On January 27, 1945, the advanced guards of the Red Army entered Auschwitz, finding barely seven thousand survivors, skeletal beings abandoned because they were deemed unfit to march, wandering among mounds of unburied corpses and the rubble of crematoria blown up with dynamite.

At the end of the conflict, the moral and historical imperative arose to prevent the remnants of Auschwitz from being reabsorbed by oblivion. In 1947, at the urging of the survivors, the Polish parliament decreed the transformation of the Auschwitz I and Auschwitz II-Birkenau sites into a State Museum and a permanent Memorial.

Thirty years later, in 1979, UNESCO declared the entire complex a World Heritage Site. Today, the ruins of the crematoria, the mountains of personal effects stolen from the victims, and the preserved barracks stand not only as a silent cemetery but as a perennial warning: the tangible and indelible testimony of how far humanity can go when it abnegates its conscience in the name of an ideology of death.

In the afternoon, the workshop "An Individual in the Face of the Camp Reality" shifted the focus to the microhistory of the individual prisoner, an approach bolstered by the presentation "The History of KL Auschwitz in the Documents", delivered by the Director of the Museum Archives, Dr. Wojciech Płosa, director of the Museum Archives Department, which represented one of the highest points of the entire Academy.

"The History of KL Auschwitz in the Documents" demonstrated the meticulous and perverse bookkeeping of the SS. Touching with one's gaze the fragility of the archival paper and understanding the work of nominal reconstruction carried out by the archivists—who fight against the deliberate destruction of files ordered by the Nazis prior to liberation—convinced me of the profound analogy between the archivist and the photo-documentarian: both wrench names and identities away from the scientific oblivion imposed by the perpetrators.

The examination of original archival documents (entry registries, SS medical reports, falsified death certificates) highlighted the contrast between Nazi bureaucratic serialization and the singularity of human life. Wearing my natural skin as a photographer, this module redefined the concept of detail: photographing an archival document or a personal object means restoring the status of "subject" to those who had been reduced to a mere serial number.

The Geometry of Annihilation at Auschwitz II-Birkenau and Minority Memories (July 16-17)

The July 16 session opened with the lecture "The Origins of the Auschwitz Concentration Camp as a Center of Extermination of European Jews", which analyzed the functional transition of the site from 1942, the year Birkenau became the primary hub of the Final Solution (Endlösung).

The subsequent study visit to Auschwitz II-Birkenau confronted participants with a staggering geographical and monumental scale. While Auschwitz I is characterized by a claustrophobic compression, Birkenau extends over an immense area (approximately 175 hectares), conceived for mass murder on an industrial scale.

The Immensity of the Extermination

There are places in the geography of human history that cease to be simple spatial coordinates and transform into chasms of the spirit. The Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp complex is the absolute paradigm of this transmutation: a black hole of civilization where modernity, technology, and bureaucracy were subjugated to the project of the total annihilation of human beings.

What follows is the historical, documentary, and demographic reconstruction of the deadliest extermination camp humanity has ever conceived.

The quantum leap into the abyss occurred in 1941. With the launch of Operation Barbarossa against the Soviet Union, the camp saw a massive influx of Soviet prisoners of war. Between August and September 1941, in the basement of the infamous Block 11 of Auschwitz I, the SS conducted the first experiments with a hydrogen cyanide-based pesticide, Zyklon B. The first victims were approximately 600 Soviet prisoners and 250 sick Polish inmates.

October 1941 marked a point of no return: Himmler ordered the construction of a second, immense camp about three kilometers away, in the village of Brzezinka. Thus, Auschwitz II-Birkenau was born. Initially conceived to hold up some 100,000 prisoners of war, following the Wannsee Conference (January 1942) and the formalization of the "Final Solution to the Jewish Question", Birkenau was redesigned to become a death factory.

Four immense extermination complexes were built in Birkenau (Crematoria II, III, IV, and V), each equipped with underground undressing rooms, enormous gas chambers (disguised as showers), and crematorium ovens capable of incinerating thousands of corpses a day. Around the same period, Auschwitz III-Monowitz was established—a slave labor camp built on behalf of the German chemical conglomerate IG Farben (the Buna-Werke plant).

Walking with conscious steps along the length of the tracks at the Judenrampe, which end precisely in front of the ruins of Crematoria II and III, the group is confronted by an unbearable challenge to visual representation. In the face of this vastness, photography must become geometric, rigorous, and devoid of aestheticism. I sought to document the spatial repetitiveness of the chimneys of the wooden barracks—vertical lines that segment the horizon like a graph of programmed death.

The Faces of the Abyss: The Anatomy of the Perpetrators

Auschwitz-Birkenau was not the byproduct of an irrational fury, but the triumph of a methodical and ruthless bureaucracy. The camp was conceived, directed, and perfected by men who embodied the "banality of evil", officials of extermination who applied industrial efficiency to mass murder.

The pinnacle of the chain of command was occupied by Rudolf Höss, SS-Obersturmbannführer and camp commandant from May 4, 1940, to November 1943 (and again, temporarily, in the spring of 1944 to oversee the extermination of the Hungarian Jews). In his memoirs, written before his execution which took place at Auschwitz itself in 1947, Höss described with chilling bureaucratic detachment the technical innovations made to the killing system—foremost among them the adoption of Zyklon B gas (hydrogen cyanide) in September 1941, replacing the carbon monoxide used in Operation T4. Höss was succeeded by Arthur Liebehenschel (November 1943-May 1944) and Richard Baer (May 1944-January 1945), both of whom kept the genocidal machine fully intact. The Birkenau sector (Auschwitz II) was commanded, among others, by Josef Kramer, an officer whose brutality later earned him the moniker "The Beast of Belsen".

Alongside the military hierarchy operated the SS medical staff, whose duties included selection on the train ramp and human experimentation. The most infamous figure is Dr. Josef Mengele (the "Angel of Death"), who arrived at Auschwitz in May 1943. Mengele, together with Dr. Carl Clauberg (who specialized in mass sterilization experiments on women in Block 10) and chief camp physician Eduard Wirths, transformed prisoners into expendable guinea pigs, focusing his sadistic studies on identical twins in a futile attempt to unlock the genetic secrets for multiplying the "Aryan race".

Martyrs and Witnesses: The Resistance of the Spirit

Against the programmed annihilation stand the figures of those who, through writing, sacrifice, or clandestine action, preserved the spark of humanity.

  • Witold Pilecki: On September 19, 1940, this Polish cavalry officer deliberately allowed himself to be arrested in Warsaw in order to be interned in Auschwitz (serial number 4859). His objective, achieved with unprecedented courage, was to found the ZOW (Military Organization Union), an internal resistance network, and to smuggle out to the Allies the first detailed reports on the atrocities in the camp. Pilecki successfully escaped in April 1943.

  • Maximilian Maria Kolbe: On August 14, 1941, this Polish Franciscan friar (serial number 16670) completed his martyrdom in the infamous starvation bunker of Block 11 in Auschwitz I. He volunteered to take the place of fellow prisoner Franciszek Gajowniczek, a family man sentenced to death in retaliation for an escape.

  • Edith Stein (Teresa Benedicta of the Cross): A philosopher of the highest academic standing and a student of Edmund Husserl, she converted to Catholicism and became a Carmelite nun. Arrestata in Holland due to her Jewish origins, she arrived at Birkenau on August 9, 1942, and was immediately murdered in the gas chambers.

  • Primo Levi (174517) and Elie Wiesel (A-7713): Deported respectively from Fossoli (Italy) in February 1944 and from Sighet (then Hungary) in May 1944, they experienced the hell of Auschwitz III-Monowitz (the IG Farben Buna-Werke factory). Their survival gifted world literature with indispensable works such as If This Is a Man (published in the US as Survival in Auschwitz) and Night, foundational pillars for the philosophical and historical interpretation of the Shoah.

The final, desperate act of armed resistance took place on October 7, 1944, when the members of the Sonderkommando (the special squads of Jewish prisoners forced to operate the gas chambers and crematoria) staged an uprising. Thanks to explosives smuggled in by several young Jewish women (including Roza Robota and Estusia Wajcblum, employed in the Union-Werke munitions factory), the rebels managed to blow up Crematorium IV. The rebellion was brutally suppressed in blood: hundreds of prisoners were slaughtered and the young women were publicly hanged.

The Demographics of the Extermination: The Verified Figures

For decades, the quantification of the victims was subject to political exploitation (the Soviet thesis claimed 4 million dead). It was thanks to the monumental historiographical investigation conducted by Professor Franciszek Piper (Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum) that academic history now agrees on precise estimates, derived from cross-referencing European railway records, deportation lists, and the rare archives that escaped destruction.

Between 1940 and 1945, the Auschwitz complex absorbed approximately 1,300,000 human beings. Of these, around 1,100,000 were murdered, the vast majority of them in the gas chambers of Birkenau within hours of their arrival.

The photographic lens measured itself against the desolate perspective of the Judenrampe railway track, which cuts through the camp longitudinally, and against the ruins of Crematoria II, III, IV, and V, blown up by the SS in an attempt to erase the evidence of the genocide. The visual challenge at Birkenau consists in capturing the immensity of the space without losing the precision of material detail: every wooden plank of the barracks in sectors BIIa or BIIb bears the marks of unspeakable suffering.

In the afternoon, the workshop dedicated to the genocide of the Sinti and Roma (the Porajmos) filled a fundamental historiographical void, analyzing the specific nature of the racial persecution suffered by nomadic communities in the so-called Zigeunerlager (Gypsy camp).

A fundamental historiographical theme: "The Genocide of the Sinti and Roma", took place directly inside Block 13 of the permanent exhibition, analyzing the Porajmos (the extermination of the Sinti and Roma) and highlighting the institutional necessity of not creating hierarchies in the memory of pain.

The genocide of the Sinti and Roma, known in the Romani language as Porajmos ("the great devouring") or Samudaripen ("mass killing"/"all killed"), was the systematic attempt by the Nazi regime and its fascist allies to exterminate the Romani populations of Europe.

Despite its enormous scale, this tragedy remained almost invisible in history books for many decades—a phenomenon often referred to as the "forgotten genocide."

I. Ideological roots and racial classification

Even before the Nazis rose to power, Sinti and Roma communities in Germany were already subject to severe discrimination and police registration. However, with the advent of the Third Reich, social prejudice was transformed into a true policy of biological-racial persecution:

  • The Nuremberg Laws: In 1935, citizenship laws were extended to include the Sinti and Roma, depriving them of fundamental civil rights as they were considered to possess "alien blood."

  • The Racial Hygiene Research Unit: Under the leadership of Dr. Robert Ritter, Sinti and Roma were classified as asocial and biologically prone to criminality. Genetic categories (such as "Gypsy mischiefs" or Zigeunermischlinge) were even invented to methodically target anyone with familial ties to these communities.

II. From persecution to systematic annihilation

The transition from discrimination to mass extermination followed several dramatic phases and territorial developments:

  • Local internment camps (1936–1939): Initially, families were confined to fenced municipal camps monitored by the police on the outskirts of cities (such as the Marzahn camp in Berlin).

  • Mass deportations (1940–1943): With the outbreak of the Second World War, thousands of Sinti and Roma were deported to occupied Polish territories, confined within ghettos, and subjected to forced labor under inhuman conditions.

  • The Auschwitz Decree (December 1942): Signed by Heinrich Himmler, this order mandated that all Sinti and Roma within the Reich be deported to the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp.

III. The "Gypsy Camp" (Zigeunerlager) at Auschwitz

In sector BIIe of Auschwitz II (Birkenau), a specific "Zigeunerlager" was established. Unlike other prisoners, Sinti and Roma families were initially allowed to stay together; however, sanitary conditions were horrific, leading to the deaths of thousands of people from starvation, typhus, and dysentery:

  • Medical experiments: SS physician Josef Mengele used Romani children, particularly twins, for his cruel and lethal pseudo-scientific experiments.

  • The liquidation of the camp: On the night of August 2–3, 1944, the SS decided to definitively liquidate the Zigeunerlager. Approximately 4,300 remaining Sinti and Roma (mostly women, children, and the elderly) were taken to the gas chambers and murdered in a single night.

IV. Massacres and collaborationism across Europe

The genocide was not confined to concentration camps alone. In the occupied territories of the Soviet Union, Nazi mobile killing units (Einsatzgruppen) shot entire nomadic and settled communities on the spot.

Furthermore, regimes allied with Germany initiated their own extermination programs:

  • In Croatia: The fascist Ustaše regime exterminated nearly the entire Romani population of the country in the Jasenovac concentration camp.

  • In Romania and other occupied countries: Tens of thousands of people were deported to Transnistria, where they died of deprivation, or were handed over directly to the German authorities.

V. The death toll and the long post-war silence

Historians estimate that the total number of Sinti and Roma killed during the Porajmos ranges between 250,000 and 500,000 people, a figure representing from 25% to over 50% of the entire European Romani population at the time.

Despite the severity of these crimes, official recognition was agonizingly slow to come:

  • The Nuremberg Trials: The genocide of the Sinti and Roma was not a central focus of the main investigations, and no Romani witnesses were called to testify in the major trials.

  • The denial of reparations: In 1956, a ruling by the West German Supreme Court decreed that the measures taken against the Roma prior to 1943 were legitimate police actions targeting criminality, rather than racial persecution, effectively denying survivors the right to financial reparations.

  • Official recognition: It was not until 1982 that German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt officially recognized that the Sinti and Roma had been victims of a genocide motivated by Nazi racial ideology.

Contemporary Legacy and Memory

Today, international institutions and historians collaborate to fill research gaps through extensive online encyclopedias and dedicated archives. In 2015, the European Parliament officially established August 2nd as the European Roma Holocaust Memorial Day, to commemorate the victims of the Auschwitz Zigeunerlager and to promote the fight against anti-Gypsyism and hate crimes that still affect these communities.

A moment of extraordinary scientific and human significance was the split access in specialized groups to the internal departments of the Museum:

  • Collections ("History Captured in Objects"): Close visual contact with the personal belongings stripped from the victims (labeled suitcases, glasses, children's shoes, tallitot) restores the individuality shattered by the masses.

  • Conservatory Labs ("Preserve for the Future"): Here, the Museum's scientists, chemists, and conservators fight daily against the biological decay of matter. Preserving a leather shoe or a lock of hair requires unparalleled scientific expertise. The empathy and competence of these professionals demonstrate that the physical maintenance of the artifact is itself a supreme moral act—a scientific trench against denialism.

This experience, mirrored on July 17th to allow everyone access to both sectors, revealed the scientific backstage of the Memorial. Preserving thousands of shoes, suitcases, glasses, prostheses, and striped tunics for the future is not a purely technical operation, but an ethical and monumental imperative; the chemical and physical preservation of these objects guarantees the permanence of material evidence against any future attempt at historiographical denial.

The session on the topography of the camp's zone of interest (Interessengebiet) revealed the economic and spatial integration of the camp with the surrounding territory, analyzing the involvement of local companies and the post-war punishment of the SS personnel (lecture: "The Camp Staff and Post-War Justice – Success or Failure?"). Subsequently, the lecture on Holocaust denial ("Holocaust Denial") provided us with the philological tools to deconstruct modern strategies of terroristic and ideological mystification of History.

Holocaust denial does not constitute a revisionist historiographical current, but rather an ideological and pseudoscientific distortion of history, driven by the intent to rehabilitate National Socialism or fuel contemporary antisemitism. Often focusing their attacks precisely on Auschwitz (the ultimate symbol of the Shoah) denialists have attempted to dismantle three fundamental pillars: the very existence of homicidal gas chambers, the magnitude of the death toll, and the intentionality of the genocidal project.

However, the scaffolding of these arguments has collapsed in the face of a massive body of documentary, forensic, and testimonial evidence that renders the history of Auschwitz one of the most unassailably documented events of the twentieth century.

I. The false myth of Zyklon B and "disinfestation chambers"

The core argument of Holocaust denial (championed by figures such as Robert Faurisson and David Irving) asserts that the gas chambers at Birkenau were actually simple delousing chambers for clothing, intended to combat typhus epidemics, and that Zyklon B was used exclusively as a pesticide. In support of this thesis, the infamous "Leuchter Report" was produced in 1988, a pseudoscientific document drafted by a self-proclaimed American execution technician who, having illegally taken rock samples from the ruins of the crematoria, claimed to have found no significant traces of cyanide.

The scientific and documentary refutation of this thesis has been absolute:

  • The chemical flaw in Leuchter's report: The Jan Sehn Institute of Forensic Research in Kraków demonstrated that Leuchter was looking for iron-based cyanide compounds, which only form under specific, prolonged exposure conditions over time (such as those in actual clothing delousing chambers). In the homicidal gas chambers, the exposure to the gas lasted only as long as necessary to kill human beings (about 20–30 minutes), a timeframe too short to leave the massive blue stains (Prussian blue) typical of disinfestation walls, yet chemically fatal to humans.

  • The blueprints of Topf & Söhne: Surviving documents from the Erfurt firm, which manufactured the crematoria, unequivocally show that Crematoria II and III at Birkenau were modified during construction. The basements, originally planned as morgues (Leichenkeller), were equipped with gas-tight doors featuring peepholes protected by thick metal grates, as well as ventilation systems capable of rapid air exchange. A morgue for storing corpses requires neither gas-tight doors nor rapid air extraction systems, both of which were instead essential to allow the Sonderkommando squads to enter and retrieve the bodies after gassing.

II. Intentionality and Administrative Documents

Denialists argue that a written order from Adolf Hitler for the extermination is missing and that the architecture of Auschwitz does not prove genocidal intent. French pharmacologist Jean-Claude Pressac, initially close to denialist circles, undertook a monumental study of the Auschwitz archives to substantiate the denialist thesis. The result, published in 1989 (Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the Gas Chambers), achieved the exact opposite effect: Pressac identified dozens of "criminal slips" (lapsus criminels) in official Nazi documents.

In the correspondence of the SS bureaucracy (the Zentralbauleitung), orders emerged for the construction of "gas-tight doors" (gasdichte Türen) and the purchase of industrial quantities of Zyklon B (supplied by the Degesch company) in volumes entirely incompatible with, and disproportionate to, the actual disinfestation needs of a camp, no matter how vast.

III. The death toll and demographic traces

Another pillar of Holocaust denial is the minimization of the number of victims, downsizing the millions of dead to just a few hundred thousand who allegedly succumbed to starvation or typhus.

Historiography has dismantled this manipulation by cross-referencing European railway data:

  • The deportation lists: Meticulous lists exist, compiled by Adolf Eichmann's bureaucracy (RSHA), documenting the departure for Auschwitz of over 430,000 Hungarian Jews, tens of thousands of French Jews (from Drancy), Dutch Jews (from Westerbork), and Greek Jews (from Thessaloniki). Of these massive numbers, only a tiny fraction (approximately 10%) was registered in the camp. The remaining 90% literally vanished upon arrival.

  • The Korherr Report: In 1943, SS statistician Richard Korherr drafted a report for Himmler on the "Final Solution". Despite using Nazi bureaucratic code language (referring to Sonderbehandlung—"special treatment"—or "evacuation"), the report mathematically certifies the demographic collapse of the European Jewish population, which is entirely incompatible with mere labor relocations.

IV. The convergence of testimonies

Finally, the most unassailable proof of Auschwitz operating as an extermination center lies in the extraordinary and macabre convergence of testimonies from three groups who experienced the horror from diametrically opposed perspectives, yet whose accounts coincide in the smallest technical and chronological details:

  • The Perpetrators: Voluntary confessions, written in captivity without physical coercion—such as the autobiography of commandant Rudolf Höss, or the depositions at the Frankfurt Trials (1963–1965) by men like Pery Broad (a member of the camp's Gestapo)—which meticulously described the introduction of Zyklon B from the roofs of the gas chambers.

  • The Victims (The Sonderkommando): The diaries clandestinely buried beneath the ashes of Birkenau by men like Zalman Gradowski, which describe the hell of the crematoria from the inside.

  • The Bystanders: The accounts of Polish civilians residing near the camp's zone of interest (Interessengebiet), who testified to the sweetish, unceasing stench of burning flesh that permeated the region's air for years.

Holocaust denial, stripped of its fake historiographical guise, is thus revealed for what it truly is: not a critical rereading of the past, but a deliberate murder of memory, which shatters against the granitic solidity of the material and documentary evidence left behind by the most colossal and deadly bureaucratic machine in human history.

Post-War Justice, Processing of Trauma, and Reconfiguration of the Civic Space (July 17-18)

On July 17, the program addressed the historical complexities of the immediate post-war period. The session began with the field lecture "Remnants of the Nazi Past: topography of the Camp’s Surrounding Area", which examined the complex geographical interaction between the camp's structure and the surrounding territory (Interessengebiet), analyzing how German companies (including IG Farben in Monowitz) integrated themselves into the economy of extermination.

Subsequently, the lecture "The Camp Staff and Post-War Justice – Success or Failure?" critically analyzed the international and Polish judicial apparatus (from the Nuremberg Trials to the subsequent Kraków trials), highlighting the structural limitations and partial impunity that characterized the prosecution of Nazi crimes. The psychological and existential focus was completed by the workshop "Trauma – the Post-War Life of Auschwitz Survivors", which centered on the analysis of concentration camp syndromes and the complex transition toward an impossible normalcy for the survivors. The afternoon featured a discussion on the historiographical and political phenomenon of "Holocaust Denial" (the denial and distortion of the Shoah). The lecture provided participants with the conceptual tools to identify and deconstruct modern strategies of disinformation and ideological manipulation, reaffirming rigorous historical education as an irreplaceable safeguard against intellectual terrorism and ethnic hatred.

On July 18, 2026, the Academy guided participants toward a critical reappropriation of the geographical and civic space of the town of Oświęcim. Following a morning dedicated to individual visits to the National Exhibitions within the historical blocks of Auschwitz I, the lecture "From the Liberation of the Camp to the Establishment of the State Museum in Oświęcim" (1945–1949) illustrated the institutional genesis of the museum site.

The historiographical and documentary analysis undertaken on July 18 during the International Summer Academy aimed to dismantle a deeply rooted semantic and geographical misconception: the totalizing identification of the Polish town of Oświęcim exclusively with the topography of terror of the Auschwitz concentration camp complex. Before becoming the geopolitical epicenter of the "Final Solution", Oświęcim had been a vibrant and bustling center of Jewish life, culture, and integration for over four centuries. It was a microcosm so deeply entrenched that its Jewish inhabitants had translated its name into Yiddish, affectionately calling it Oshpitzin (אושפיצין), a term derived from the Aramaic ushpizin, which significantly means "guests" or "sanctuary of hospitality".

The objective of this section is to analytically reconstruct the historical trajectory of this community and the work of preserving memory carried out by the Oshpitzin Jewish Museum.

The horizon widened to include the civic and communitarian dimension. Following individual visits to the National Exhibitions and the lecture on the complex historical transition from the moment of liberation in January 1945 to the founding of the State Museum in 1947, we undertook a guided walking tour through the town of Oświęcim.

I. Genesis and Development of Jewish Oświęcim (16th Century – 1939)

The Jewish presence in Oświęcim has documented origins dating back to the mid-16th century. In 1563, King Sigismund II Augustus granted the local Jewish community its first formal privileges, including the right to purchase property, build a synagogue, and establish a cemetery (kirkut).

  • Demographic and Economic Growth: Strategically located at the confluence of the Vistula and Soła rivers, the town became a major commercial hub. During the 19th century, under Austro-Hungarian rule (Galicia), the Jewish community grew exponentially until it represented the absolute majority of the urban population in the early years of the 20th century. In the 1910 census, Jews constituted approximately 58% of the total inhabitants of Oświęcim.

  • Intercultural Coexistence: During the interwar period (1918–1939), the town featured an integrated social fabric. Jews held seats on the town council (with prominent figures such as Deputy Mayor Dr. Emil Gross) and operated liquor factories (the one owned by the Haberfeld family being particularly famous), carpet mills, printing houses, and commercial businesses. Oświęcim was home to over twenty synagogues and prayer houses (shtebl) alongside a school network where Hasidic orthodoxy (represented by the Bobov and Sanz dynasties) and secular Zionism coexisted.

II. The Catastrophe: Occupation and Annihilation (1939–1941)

The invasion of Poland by the Wehrmacht in September 1939 brought four hundred years of history to an end. The town was officially renamed Auschwitz and directly annexed into the Third Reich.

  • Oświęcim's Kristallnacht: On the night of November 29–30, 1939, the Nazi occupying authorities set fire to the Great Synagogue on Berka Joselewicza Street, an imposing Neo-Romanesque building erected in 1873.

  • Deportation and Eradication (April 1941): Unlike in other Polish cities, no permanent long-term ghetto was established in Oświęcim. In April 1941, SS-Obersturmbannführer Rudolf Höss ordered the total expulsion of all Jews from the town (approximately 7,000 people). This logistical measure was functional to the expansion of the Interessengebiet (the zone of interest of the nascent concentration camp) and to the need to requisition houses and materials for settling SS families and German civilian laborers from IG Farben. The local Jewish population was forcibly transferred to the neighboring ghettos of Chrzanów, Będzin, and Sosnowiec; from there, in the following months, nearly all of them were deported and exterminated precisely in the gas chambers of Birkenau, just a few kilometers away from their childhood homes.

III. The Post-War Period and the Last Witness: Szymon Kluger

In 1945, following the liberation, a handful of Jews originally from Oświęcim attempted to return to the town. However, due to the post-war climate and incurable psychological wounds, almost all of them emigrated to Israel or the United States in the following years.

The last Jew to permanently reside in Oświęcim was Szymon Kluger (1925–2000). A survivor of several concentration camps (including Gross-Rosen), Kluger returned to Oświęcim in 1962, settling into his old family home adjacent to the synagogue. Until his death in May 2000, his solitary presence in the town represented the last living physical link to the history of Oshpitzin.

IV. The Oshpitzin Jewish Museum and the Lomdei Mishnayot Synagogue

Founded in 2000 through the initiative of the Auschwitz Jewish Center Foundation (AJCF), the museum complex stands in the heart of the old town, in Father Jan Skarbek Square. The museum is structured around three monumental and archival elements of primary historiographical importance:

  • The Chevra Lomdei Mishnayot Synagogue: Erected around 1913, this synagogue is the only Jewish house of worship in Oświęcim to have survived Nazi destruction, solely because the Germans confiscated it for use as an ammunition depot and stable. Philologically restored and rededicated in September 2000, it no longer houses a regular congregation today, but serves as a space for prayer, meditation, and visual memory for visitors from all over the world.

  • The Permanent Exhibition: Through archival documents, vintage photographs, ritual objects rescued from the ground, and audiovisual testimonies, the museum does not document the extermination, but rather the everyday nature of life. The educational path analyzes the structure of Jewish institutions, religious life, education, and the community's economic contribution to the town, restoring biographical dignity to faces that concentration camp historiography has often reduced to serial numbers.

  • The Szymon Kluger House (Café Bergson): The home of the last witness was recently restored and transformed into Café Bergson, a cultural café and modern exhibition space. This venue hosts international volunteers and students, establishing itself as an active laboratory for democratic citizenship and the countering of contemporary prejudice.

V. Oshpitzin: The Erased Memory

Before being globally identified by the German toponym Auschwitz, Oświęcim was a vibrant Polish town where the Jewish component represented the majority of the population. Jews affectionately called the town Oshpitzin (from the Yiddish for "guests").

The visit to the Oshpitzin Jewish Museum and the Chevra Lomdei Mishnayot Synagogue (the only Jewish house of worship to survive Nazi destruction) made it possible to visually document not only death, but the richness of life before the catastrophe. The photographs of the faces of the local community exhibited in the museum redefine our memorial duty: we must not remember the victims only for how they were killed, but for who they were when they lived.

In the afternoon, the guided historical walking tour "Oświęcim Yesterday – Oświęcim Today" and the subsequent visit to the Oshpitzin Jewish Museum and the Chevra Lomdei Mishnayot Synagogue (Oshpitzin Żydowskie Muzeum) allowed us to comprehend the millennial history of the Jewish presence in the town prior to 1939.

Before the war, the majority of Oświęcim's population was Jewish; the town was not a mere toponym of terror, but a place of civil coexistence. Photographing the restored synagogue—the town's only surviving Jewish house of worship—means restoring historical depth to a territory too often flattened solely into the dimension of the extermination camp.

In my role as a photo-documentarian, documenting Oświęcim/Oshpitzin implies the adoption of an optical register radically different from the one used for the ruins of Birkenau. While in the camp the light records the absence and the violence of the geometric stone, within the urban fabric of Oświęcim and inside the halls of the Jewish Museum, the photographic lens must operate toward the re-emergence of memory.

The photographs of the faces of the local community exhibited in the museum redefine our memorial duty: we must not remember the victims only for how they were killed, but for who they were when they lived.

Photography must capture minute details: the traces of mezuzot still visible on the wooden doorposts of some houses in the old town, the shadows cast from inside the Lomdei Mishnayot Synagogue onto the original flooring, or the black-and-white faces preserved in the museum's display cases. This visual approach—which will critically integrate the section of my website—aims to generate a cognitive and emotional short-circuit in the observer: understanding that the tragedy of the Holocaust did not strike an abstract, formless mass, but uprooted a civilization of "guests" who were neighbors, integrated and deeply rooted in the history of Europe.

L'Epistemologia del Nome e l'Estetica della Memoria: Il Blocco 27 e la Chiusura dell'Academy (19 Luglio)

La giornata conclusiva del 19 luglio 2026 ha toccato il vertice emotivo e intellettuale dell'intero corso d'anno. La sessione si è svolta all'interno del celebre Blocco 27 di Auschwitz I, che ospita l'esposizione permanente SHOAH curata dall'Istituto Yad Vashem di Gerusalemme. Il workshop all'interno della Reflection Room (Sala di Riflessione) ha imposto un confronto diretto con i dispositivi museografici contemporanei.

Il Blocco 27 è strutturato come un'installazione multisensoriale purificata da ogni ridondanza oggettuale. Lo spazio accoglie il visitatore con i suoni e le proiezioni in scala reale della vita ebraica europea prima della catastrofe; il percorso culmina nella monumentale sala che custodisce il Libro dei Nomi (The Book of Names), un'opera immensa che raccoglie in pagine monumentali i dati anagrafici e i luoghi di origine di oltre quattro milioni di vittime ebraiche accertate.

Per un fotografo, la Reflection Room e le sale del Blocco 27 rappresentano una sfida teorica straordinaria: le pareti interamente ricoperte dalle riproduzioni dei disegni dei bambini del ghetto di Terezín impongono un'inquadratura basata sulla sottrazione e sul silenzio visivo; la luce zenitale che illumina le pagine del Libro dei Nomi trasforma l'atto del fotografare in un gesto di sfioramento ottico e di testimonianza documentaria. La materia cartacea e la precisione tipografica dei nomi diventano baluardi inamovibili contro l'oblio e la cancellazione dell'identità.

La sessione finale dell'Academy si è conclusa con la presentazione The Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum: symbolism and significance e con l'audizione conclusiva di valutazione e sintesi del seminario. È fondamentale sottolineare che l'intero apparato educativo dell'ICEAH si sviluppa all'interno dello storico edificio dell'ex "Vecchio Teatro" (Old Theatre). La sua rifunzionalizzazione scientifica e didattica è stata resa possibile grazie ai finanziamenti strutturali del progetto di adattamento europeo. Questa scelta architettonica dimostra come un luogo originariamente estraneo o contiguo al perimetro del terrore possa essere risanato e convertito in un centro internazionale di cultura democratica, tolleranza e studio scientifico avanzato.

Concluding Considerations: The Role of Culture and Vision Against Contemporary Hatred

Participation in the 13th International Summer Academy allows us to reaffirm the absolute centrality of Memorials as living institutions of global civic conscience. In a historical era characterized by the progressive disappearance of the last direct witnesses (Survivors), the responsibility for historical transmission inevitably shifts onto documents, scientific research, and artistic-documentary languages, such as investigative photography.

My visual work does not intend to aestheticize pain, nor to indulge in a romanticism of memory that would risk blurring the precision of facts. On the contrary, the photographic lens offers itself as an extension of historical hermeneutics: it records spatial coordinates, preserves the truth of material details, documents the architectures of annihilation, and celebrates the rebirth of human dignity through the evocation of individual names and stories. The ICEAH of Auschwitz-Birkenau confirms itself as an indispensable institutional stronghold: an intellectual laboratory where memory becomes science and culture is structured as the only authentic antidote against hatred, terrorism, and ideological barbarism.

Conclusion and Acknowledgments: A New Grammar for the Future

The 13th edition of the International Summer Academy closes with the formulation of a methodological and civic promise. I wish to express my deepest and most academic gratitude to Katarzyna Kotula-Domagała and the entire ICEAH staff for the impeccable organizational and logistical architecture; to Dr. Wojciech Płosa for guiding us through the labyrinths of documentary truth; and to each of the trainers, conservators, guides, and custodians of the Museum, whose daily and composed dedication represents the true barrier against the barbarism of indifference.

A fraternal thanks goes to my 25 fellow participants, who arrived from every latitude of the planet. Sharing physical spaces, historiographical ideas, withheld tears, ethical ideals, and research horizons with you has transformed this seminar into a community of destiny. Our diverse backgrounds fused in the adoption of a universal language of memory, aimed at building a global citizenship that is permanently vigilant, just, and never indifferent to the wounds of the contemporary world.

As a photographer, I leave Auschwitz-Birkenau not only with a rigorous visual archive, but with the awareness of having learned, thanks to this academy, a new language: a grammar of the gaze and of the word capable of speaking, explaining, safeguarding, and handing down Memory as the most powerful instrument of peace and civilization for the generations to come.

Special thanks to:

Dr. Piotr Setkiewicz, Director of the Centre for Research at the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Dr. Igor Bartosik, Senior Curator at the Centre for Research of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Dr. Wojciech Płosa, Head of the Archives at the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Dr. Teresa Wontor-Cichy, Historian and Curator at the Centre for Research of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Marine Dudziak-Vannier, Cultural Projects Manager at the International Center for Education about Auschwitz and the Holocaust (ICEAH) of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Łukasz Janiga, Collections Manager at the Collections Department of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Paweł Sawicki, Press Officer and Digital Communication Manager at the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum; Founder and Editor-in-Chief of the bilingual (Polish/English) monthly online magazine "Memoria".

Alicja Wójcik, Educational Programs Coordinator at the International Center for Education about Auschwitz and the Holocaust, the educational division of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Margrit Bormann, Restorer at the Conservation Department of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Ewelina Myśliwiecka-Saternus, Certified Guide at the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.

Jakub Przystasz, Guide at the KL Plaszow Memorial and Museum.

Nataliia Tkachenko, Guide in the town of Oświęcim.

Alicja Zioło, Guide in the former Jewish quarter of Kazimierz and the former Podgórze Ghetto.

Critical Note and Traceability of Bibliographical and Programmatic Sources

All chronological data, references to lecturers (including Dr. Wojciech Płosa), names of educational modules, and institutional specifications relating to the restoration of the Old Theatre are derived from and verified against the official program of the 13th International Summer Academy (Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum / ICEAH, Draft March 2026). The additions regarding the museography of Block 27 and the historical topography of KL Plaszow refer to the scientific archival datasets of the respective Memorials and the Yad Vashem Institute in Jerusalem.

COLLABORAZIONI

Il dovere della testimonianza

La monografia e la mostra itinerante sono disponibili per istituzioni culturali, gallerie d'arte e progetti didattici internazionali.